Present-Day Congo (Since 1963)
By the end of 1963, the Congo was ruled by President Kasavubu. The Congo was split into many provinces, including: Kivu, Katanaga, Kwilu, Upper Congo, Leopoldville, Brazzaville, and the Oriental Province (which includes the town of Stanleyville). Each province had a separate government that fell under the control of the central government. Under President Kasavubu, a new Constitution was drafted. This Constitution stated that an executive President would be elected for a 5 year term. In addition, both the powers of the Prime Minister and the Central Assembly were drastically reduced. 92% of the voters approved the New Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. June 30, 1964, President Kasavubu dissolved the Central Assembly. He took supreme command of the army in cooperation with the army commander, General Mobutu (O’Ballance 68).
During this time in the Congo, there were numerous opposition parties. The most powerful party was the National Liberation Committee, headed by Victor Gbenye. Congo’s central government accused the NLC of conspiracy and treason. The NLC was plotting to steal soldiers from the government and assassinate politicians, including President Kasavubu. In addition, the NLC was responsible for inciting rebellion in parts of the Congo as well as receiving night-dropped weapons from the Soviet Union (O’Ballance 69). [It was also discovered that back in the end of 1963, Soviet diplomats were arrested in Leopoldville. They were caught with documents indicating that they were planning on giving the NLC counterfeit Congolese francs in order to disrupt the economy. In light of this information, the entire Soviet embassy staff and Soviet journalists (numbering over 100) were expelled from Africa (O’Ballance 69).] In addition to receiving support from the Soviets, the NLC had Chinese military experts working as instructors in the NLC training camps. This infusion of representation from Communist countries worried the United States. In response, the United States sent aid to the central government of the Congo.
President Kasavubu was also concerned with the strength of the opposition party. Instead of fighting them, he decided that it would be best to try and unite the NLC with the government. He ordered one of his aids, Tshombe, to form a governing cabinet, and include some NLC leaders in it. Tshombe was then made Prime Minister. Tshombe released 600 political prisoners, including Antoine Gizenga. Ginzenga immediately formed a political organization, the Unified Lumumbaist Party. The Party criticized Tshombe for using force against rebels and condemned western aggression. Ginzenga was subsequently placed under house arrest (O’Ballance 70). By now, rebel forces had grown to an alarming number. President Kasavubu appealed to the United States for help in combating the rebels. The United States sent B-26-K bombers and U.S. paratroopers. In addition, Tshombe recruited European mercenaries to assassinate any individuals involved in political dissent (O’Ballance 71). In a countermove, Victor Gbenye of Stanleyville renamed the Oriental Province the People’s Republic of the Congo in September of 1964. He then ordered the taking of all Belgians and Americans as hostages (O’Ballance 80). The UN Security Council held an emergency session, but decided to temporarily hold off on interfering in the situation (O’Ballance 84). The Congo was spiraling out of control.
On November 25, 1965 General Joseph Mobutu launched a coup to take power of the Congo. He placed Kasavubu under house arrest and assumed the Presidency. Mobutu declared that he was taking the position of President for the next 5 years and therefore, the 1966 elections were cancelled. His reasoning for overthrowing the government was that the politicians had failed and now it was time for the army to take control ( O’Ballance 93). Mobutu, in order to win favor with the United States, publicly denounced Communism, emphasizing that he was an enemy of Communist governments. With help from the C.I.A., Mobutu formally declared himself head of state (Heale 30). The United States was quick to recognize his government. President Mobutu vowed to crush the rebels in the Congo.
Mobutu immediately transferred legislative power to himself . He ordered that no group or organization can be formed if it is based on race or tribe; a national language was to be established; local traditions were to be encouraged ( O’Ballance 96). In 1966, a plot to assassinate Mobutu was discovered. He ordered the public hanging of the four main conspirators. Mobutu went on to form his own political party, the Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution. It was the only political party that was allowed ( O’Ballance 100). In 1970, Mobutu was reelected. He censored the press and threatened his opponents with violence. Not surprisingly, he was the only contender in the election (Heale 40).
Mobutu established a policy that he called “Africanization.” He changed his name to Mobutu Sese Seko Koko Ngbendu wa za Banga, which translates to “the all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, will go from conquest to conquest leaving fire in his wake” (Heale 32). He ordered his people to replace their Christian names with African names. Mobutu renamed all foreign-sounding places with African names, deported all foreigners, and closed seminaries and schools (O’Ballance 107). Congo was renamed Zaire in 1971. The River Congo became the River Zaire, and Upper and Lower Congo became Upper and Lower Zaire.
In 1974, Mobutu revised Zaire’s Constitution to replace Christianity with “Mobutism.” He wanted Zaire to be a secular state. Religious holidays, including Christmas, were banned. All crucifixes were replaced with portraits of Mobutu (O’Ballance 108). His portrait was the only picture of a person allowed to be displayed in public places. Mobutu built eleven palaces, as well as stadiums, conference centers, and monuments to himself (Heale 42). He expanded the role of the army to assist with his agricultural program, political education of the people, and military training of the people (O’Ballance 108). His army was an Israeli-trained guard of 10,000. He used several intelligence agencies to keep him informed of dissent. Dissenters were beaten, jailed, or killed. He was a dictator who suppressed human rights (Heale 31). In 1975, the C.I.A. was involved in a plot to assassinate Mobutu. His involvement with China, North Korea, and India alarmed the United States. They were concerned that Mobutu was a Communist. Unfortunately, Mobutu learned of the plot through one of his informers, and he successfully avoided assassination (O’Ballance 110).
Mobutu fostered widespread corruption throughout Zaire. Civil servants did not perform their duties unless they were bribed to do so. Teachers wanted payoffs from their students. Police officers stopped motorists randomly. People either made a payment to the officer or they were arrested (Heale 41). Out of every dollar that came into Zaire by way of international aid, 20% of it was skimmed off by government officials. The 1977 coffee crop was valued at US$400 million, but due to corruption, only US$120 million reached the treasury of Zaire (Heale 57). The economy was beyond a state of despair. At one time, inflation averaged 4,000%. There was not any Social Security and little employment. The people turned to robbery, corruption, or begging in order to survive (Heale 69). Zaire was bankrupt by the 1980s due to falling copper prices ( a loss of over US$4 billion) and rampant corruption. The annual growth rate of Zaire’s economy pre-independence was 4.9%. By the 1990s, the annual growth rate was -8.6% (Heale 55). Mobutu was recklessly extravagant and did not pay his army. In 1991, the army started widespread looting, known as “the pillage” (Heale 31). “If you want to steal, steal a little in a nice way . . . In a word, everything is for sale, anything can be bought in our country” – President Mobutu (Heale 41). While his people remained the poorest in Africa, Mobutu had a personal worth of US$9.7 billion (O’Ballance 176).
During the 1990s, rivalries between tribal groups boiled over. One of the largest tribal groups in Zaire was the Banyamulenge. They were related to the Tutsi people of Rwanda, and moved to Zaire around 300 years ago. In 1994, in Rwanda, Hutu soldiers began to slaughter the Tutsi people. The Tutsi people retaliated and drove the Hutu out of Rwanda. 700,000 Hutus fled to Zaire, into Banyamulenge territory (Heale 33). The Banyamulenge rebelled against the intruders. They attacked the Hutu militia as well as the Zairian army. 700,000 refugees returned to Rwanda. The leader of the Banyamulenge was Laurent Kabila. By November 1996, Kabila and his army had seized the towns of Goma and Bukavu. They were being supported by Rwanda, Uganda, and Zambia (Heale 34). Mobutu, threatened by Kabila’s advances, asked Nelson Mandela for his help in mediation. By now, Kabila had captured nearly half of Zaire. Mandela, along with Southern and Central African leaders, agreed that Kabila’s success was inevitable. On May 17, 1997 Mobutu fled Zaire (Heale 35). Kabila took over the Presidency with little resistance from the Zairian army (Naniuzeyi 669). President Kabila established a 300 member constituent and legislative assembly. Zaire was in a terrible condition; run-down hospitals, hole-ridden roads, and a school system that was barely in existence. (Naniuzeyi 669). Kabila began to rebuild Zaire, once again called Congo.
In 1998, Kabila filed his chief of staff, James Kabarere, who was a Rwandan Tutsi (Madsen 455). Kabila then classified the Tutsi soldiers as “foreign soldiers” and ordered them to leave the Congo (Madsen 456). In response, Kabarere and the Tutsis joined forces. In August, 1998 Kabarere and a group of Tutsi rebels hijacked a Congo Airlines Boeing 737 and two additional planes. 400 rebels were then flown to Bas Congo, near the Congo River. Some of the Congolese troops joined the ranks of the rebels, and they began seizing areas of the Congo (Madsen 457). Kabila tried to get help from the U.N., but he was told to negotiate with the rebels. Infuriated by the lack of response from the U.N., Kabila told his people that the West was plotting against them. The people rallied to defend their country. Kabila advocates started murdering any Tutsis they could find. The Tutsi rebels then formed the “Congolese Rally for Democracy, otherwise known as the “RCD” (Madsen 458). Thus began the “Second Tutsi Invasion”.
Although the United States claimed neutrality, there was much evidence of their involvement with backing the rebel forces. The U.S. supplied the Tutsi rebels with military intelligence. In addition, black U.S. Special Forces were training rebels in Rwanda (Madsen 459). Congolese troops invaded the U.S. embassy compound at Kinshasa. Next, Kabila counterattacked Rwanda and Uganda. The U.S. interceded to get Zimbabwe to allow the Ugandans and Rwandans to leave the Congo safely (Madsen 460). By now, Kabila was close to defeat. At the last minute, Kabila received troops from Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia. Later, forces from Chad and Cuba arrived (Madsen 464).
Still claiming neutrality, the United States continued to be involved. The Clinton administration purposely opposed the “Land Mine Ban.” Rwandan, Ugandan, and RCD forces were using land mines against Kabila; therefore, opposing the ban was in the interest of the U.S (Madsen 465). The U.S. then sent Tomahawk cruise missiles to bomb a pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum. U.S. officials claimed that the plant was a training area for Osama Bin Laden’s terrorist group. However, the bombing coincided at a time when peace talks between Khartoum and America’s allies had collapsed. It was also discovered that Sudan was aiding Kabila (Madsen 472). In retaliation, the United States embassy in Cape Town was bombed. FBI swarmed through Cape Town. They went into Uganda and harassed the citizens all under the guise of searching for Islamist terrorists (Madsen 473). Amnesty International named the FBI as a “possible abuser of human rights of prisoners of conscience.”
Kabila was assassinated in 2001. There were various conflicting reports on precisely what had occurred. Some reports claim that he was shot by one of his bodyguards. Other sources say he was killed by one of his soldiers. Finally, some speculate that he was slain by one of his rivals (CNN.Com). Kabila was succeeded by his son, Joseph Kabila. He currently remains the President of the Congo (news.bbc.co.uk).
After America’s involvement in the area, central Africa peaked at its most dangerous level (Madsen 477). The United States did not care about the conditions in Africa in the first place. The U.S. involvement was centered on economics. An official of the World Bank summed up the American involvement in the Congo: “We are seeing a new colonization in Africa . . . and it’s by American speculators with minimum cash/maximum profit ventures based on short-term, low-risk exit plans. U.S. political and military muscle is being used to facilitate the rape of Africa’s resources by American multinationals backed by both Democratic and Republican heavyweights.” (Madsen 478).
Works Cited
"Congolese President Dead Following Apparent Coup Attempt, Sources Tell CNN.” CNN.com. 2001. Cable News Network. 16 January 2001. <http://www.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/africa/01/16/congo.coup.05/>.
“DR Congo Leader Pledges Peace.” BBC News. 2002. British Broadcasting Corporation. 18 December 2002 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2583735.stm>.
Heale, Jay. Democratic Republic of the Congo. Malaysia: Times Books, 1999.
Madsen, Wayne. Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999. New York: Edwin Mellon Press, 1999.
O’Ballance, Edgar. The Congo-Zaire Experience, 1960-1998. New York: St. Martin’s, 2000.